Recent Submissions

  • ‘This is the country of premature old men’ Ageing and Aged Miners in the South Wales Coalfield, c.1880–1947

    Curtis, Ben; Thompson, Steven; Cardiff University; Aberystwyth University (Routledge – Taylor and Francis Group, 2016-03-24)
    This article considers the effects of work in the south Wales coal industry either side of the turn of the twentieth century and, specifically, the ways in which work aged workers prematurely. It examines the consequences of working practices for miners’ bodies, the expedients utilized by miners to try and cope with the effects of premature ageing, and the consequences for their living standards, experiences and status. It situates these phenomena in the contexts of industrial relations and welfare provision. In so doing, the article engages with historiographies of the life-cycle, the aged, and pensions provision in modern Britain.
  • Revolt and Revolution: The Protester in the 21st Century

    Altintzoglou, Evripidis; Fredriksson, Martin (Inter-Disciplinary Press, 2015)
    In the wake of the Arab Spring, Time Magazine named ‘The Protester’, 2011s Person of the Year. Revolts, social unrest and demands for systemic change continue to spread from the anti-austerity street marches in Europe and the progressive ‘No Borders’ global movement, to protests against neoconservative and xenophobic populist movements. Histories are currently being (re)written and the immanence and promise of large scale political revolutions is as present today as ever on our planet. As the goals and aspirations of protesters across the world become more heterogeneous and less programmatic, it becomes increasingly hard to say what ‘the protester’ wants and where ‘the revolution’ will take us. This book embraces the ambiguity and heterogeneity of contemporary protest movements, pointing to how the potentials of revolutionary acts reside behind seemingly irrelevant, disorganized outbursts of apparently aimless acts. Giving meaning to the sign carried by a protester of the Occupy Wall Street demonstration: ‘We’re here; we’re unclear; get used to it’.
  • Althusser entre Spinoza et Lacan

    Pippa, Stefano; Morfino, Vittorio. (Publications of Centre Culturel International de Cerisy, 2017-05)
  • European integration or democracy disintegration in measures concerning police and judicial cooperation?

    Ventrella, Matilde (2017-10-20)
    In recent cases on the European Arrest Warrant, the Court of Justice of the European Union has made decisions which are incompatible with the requirements of national Constitutions on the protection of fundamental rights such as the right to freedom from imprisonment. National Constitutions are acts of national Parliaments which often require the completion of a very difficult procedure in order to be amended. Unfortunately, the Court of Justice has not taken these procedures into consideration when it has ruled that, in order to enhance mutual trust between national judicial authorities, the European Arrest Warrant can be issued even at the sacrifice of freedoms of individuals protected by national Constitutions. Similar judgements are incompatible with decisions made by Constitutional Courts such as the Italian Constitutional Court which states that the Union’s supremacy and the application of the European Arrest Warrant cannot encroach upon the fundamental principles of Constitutions. Elected bodies such as the European Parliament and national Parliaments should decide whether fundamental principles protected by national Constitutions should be set aside. The entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty could have made the difference as it increased the respective powers of national Parliaments and the European Parliament in the EU decision making procedure. Unfortunately, these changes have not led to more democracy in the criminal area. The result is that the Court of Justice case-law on the European Arrest Warrant is incompatible with the judgments of national Constitutional Courts. This article will show how incompatibility between the different courts and lack of democracy in the criminal area could lead to the failure of police and judicial cooperation between Member States. In order to avoid this failure, it is imperative that measures in the criminal area are adopted by the democratic institutions: the European Parliament and national Parliaments in cooperation with each other. Indeed, these institutions alone, not unelected bodies such as the Court of Justice, should evaluate whether national Constitutions should be set aside in order to fight against criminal organisations.