• A review of the Black Country economy and labour market from the PricewaterhouseCoopers West Midlands Business Surveys: 1994-1998

      Worrall, Les (University of Wolverhampton, 1998-09)
      This paper updates previous research papers and looks specifically at the economy and labour market of the Black Country focusing on a set of business performance, recruitment, training and skills issues. The report also “locates” the Black Country in the context of the West Midlands Region and in the context of recent macro-economic changes which are affecting different parts of the UK economy differentially. Reference is also made to the level of innovation in the Black Country and the region and to other “structural” issues as it is contended that levels of innovation, capital expenditure and training will largely determine the future health of the sub-regional economy. Uniquely, the questionnaire is targeted towards the most senior managers in West Midlands businesses: around 60% of respondents are Chairmen, Chief Executives or Managing Directors. Analysis of the data yields some insights into recent changes in the Black Country economy labour market viewed from the apex of a representative cross-section of around 1,000 regional businesses almost 300 of which are located in the four Black Country boroughs of Wolverhampton, Dudley, Walsall and Sandwell. This analysis can be used to augment economic and labour market intelligence derived from more traditional, nationally published sources. This report has been based on the West Midlands Business Survey which is funded by PricewaterhouseCoopers in the Midlands. Their support is gratefully acknowledged.
    • We never recovered: The social cost of the 1951 New Zealand waterfront dispute and supporting strikes

      Millar, Grace (Australian Society for the Study of Labour History inc., 2015-05-05)
      In July 1951, 15,000 New Zealand watersiders, miners, freezing-workers and seamen returned to work after being locked-out or on strike, but their lives, and the lives of those dependent on their income, did not return to normal. For five months, most workers and their families had had to borrow money and leave bills unpaid in order to survive, and they needed to pay their debts. This article examines the social cost of the 1951 waterfront dispute. It concentrates on strike debt, and the long shadow that debt cast on family and community relationships. This article argues that many of the costs of an industrial dispute are not paid until after it ends, but in contrast to union’s collective concern about costs during the dispute, costs after the dispute are privatised and treated as the concern of individual families.